How the Supreme Court Shapes Governance

The Supreme Court of India has been described by legal scholar Manoj Mate as "the most powerful constitutional court in the contemporary world." This claim reflects not the formal text of the Constitution — which places the court within a standard separation of powers architecture — but the accumulation of doctrinal and institutional developments since 1950 that have progressively expanded the court's role from a relatively restrained appellate body into an institution that has assumed a central role in shaping Indian governance across domains as varied as environmental regulation, educational policy, appointment of judges, investigation of corruption, and definition of fundamental rights. 

How the Supreme Court Shapes Governance
Representational Image:  How the Supreme Court Shapes Governance
Within the past two decades alone, the court wrested control over judicial appointments from the executive through the collegium system, struck down a constitutional amendment designed to restore executive influence over appointments, assumed active oversight of specific policy areas through continuing mandamus jurisdiction, and articulated constitutional doctrines — basic structure, constitutional morality, right to privacy — that now constitute binding limits on both Parliament and government.

This expansion was not linear. In the first two decades after independence, the Supreme Court played a limited governance role, largely deferring to the executive and Parliament on socio-economic policy. The turning point was the period following the Emergency (1975–77), during which the court's majority had acquiesced in the suspension of fundamental rights. 

The post-Emergency court used Public Interest Litigation — a procedural innovation that dispensed with strict locus standi requirements, allowing any public-spirited person to petition the court on behalf of disadvantaged groups — to reposition itself as a champion of constitutional values and a check on governmental abuse. Through PIL, the court moved from reactive adjudication of disputes to proactive oversight of executive performance in specific sectors, appointing commissioners, monitoring compliance, and maintaining continuing jurisdiction over governance failures.

The Ground Reality

  • The Supreme Court hears constitutional, civil, and criminal appeals from all courts and tribunals in India; its judgments are binding on all courts and tribunals under Article 141 of the Constitution; it is the final interpreter of the Constitution and its decisions on constitutional questions cannot be overturned except by constitutional amendment that does not violate the basic structure.
  • The collegium system — under which the Supreme Court collegium, headed by the Chief Justice of India, effectively controls appointment and transfer of judges of the Supreme Court and High Courts — was established through judicial interpretation in the Second Judges Case (1993) and the Third Judges Case (1998), without any constitutional amendment; the collegium system has been described as a court-created institutional arrangement with no parallel in major democracies.
  • The NJAC (National Judicial Appointments Commission) established by the 99th Constitutional Amendment to replace the collegium was struck down by the Supreme Court in Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association v. Union of India (2015) — the Court held that judicial independence, a basic structure feature, required continued judicial dominance in appointments.
  • The continuing mandamus jurisdiction — under which the Supreme Court retains and exercises ongoing oversight over specific governance areas through a series of interim orders rather than a single final judgment — was developed primarily through the right-to-food case (PUCL v. Union of India, 2001), which has produced over 50 interim orders since April 2001, transforming government food security schemes.
  • PRS Legal Policy Centre and academic scholarship consistently identify the Supreme Court as having produced landmark binding directions in environmental regulation (M.C. Mehta cases), bonded labour, prisoners' rights, elections (Model Code of Conduct, declaration of criminal antecedents by candidates), forest conservation (Godavarman case), and slum resettlement.

How It Works in Practice

1. Original jurisdiction: The Supreme Court has exclusive original jurisdiction under Article 131 over disputes between the Union and one or more states, or between two or more states. This jurisdiction makes it the constitutional arbiter of federal disputes. It also has original writ jurisdiction under Article 32 for enforcement of fundamental rights.

2. Appellate jurisdiction and special leave: The court exercises appellate jurisdiction under Articles 132, 133, and 134 over constitutional, civil, and criminal matters from High Courts. Under Article 136, it has discretionary "special leave to appeal" from any judgment of any court or tribunal in India — a power used extensively to bring matters to the Supreme Court that would otherwise terminate at High Court level.

3. Constitutional interpretation and basic structure: The court's power to invalidate legislation under Articles 13 and 32, and its application of the basic structure doctrine from Kesavananda Bharati (1973), makes it the final guardian of constitutional limits. Every constitutional amendment since 1973 has been enacted in the shadow of the basic structure doctrine; the court has invalidated several amendments as violating it.

4. Continuing mandamus and institutional oversight: The court's innovation of retaining jurisdiction over complex governance problems — maintaining cases as pending, issuing successive interim orders, monitoring compliance through commissioners — has created a distinctive mode of judicial governance that operates in parallel with executive administration in specific domains. Critics describe this as judicial overreach; proponents describe it as accountability without alternatives.

5. Judicial appointments through the collegium: The collegium system, by which the five most senior judges of the Supreme Court collectively decide appointments to the Supreme Court and all High Courts, places judicial appointment power entirely within the judiciary. This arrangement has been criticised for opacity, geographical concentration, and absence of formal criteria, while its defenders argue it protects judicial independence from political influence.

What People Often Misunderstand

  • The Supreme Court's power is not unlimited: Even the Supreme Court is bound by the Constitution; its decisions are subject to review by larger benches; the basic structure doctrine constrains the court as much as it constrains Parliament — though since the court defines the basic structure, this constraint is primarily self-applied.
  • The collegium is not a formal constitutional institution: Nothing in the Constitution's text creates the collegium; it emerged from judicial interpretation; attempts to replace it through formal constitutional architecture — as the NJAC sought to do — have been struck down.
  • PIL transformed the court's role in ways not anticipated by the Constitution: The Constitution's framers designed a relatively conservative court model; PIL was entirely a judicial creation, not a constitutional provision; it fundamentally altered the court's relationship with governance and civil society.
  • The Supreme Court cannot initiate cases suo motu: It takes up matters through petitions; even in suo motu proceedings — where it converts a newspaper report or letter into a PIL — a petition is formally registered; it does not act without a matter being placed before it.
  • Court orders alone don't guarantee governance outcomes: The Supreme Court's experience with police reforms (Prakash Singh case, 2006), right to food (PUCL case, 2001), and other governance PILs demonstrates that judicial directions do not automatically produce compliance without political will and administrative capacity.

What Changes Over Time

The Supreme Court's role has continued to expand in domains including privacy (Puttaswamy, 2017), electoral bonds (Association for Democratic Reforms, 2024), and climate rights (2024 right against climate change impacts judgment). The 2024 electoral bonds judgment — striking down the Electoral Bonds Scheme introduced in 2018 — illustrated the court's willingness to invalidate executive-initiated fiscal instruments with direct implications for political party financing. Chief Justice D.Y. Chandrachud's tenure (2022–24) was characterised by live streaming of Constitution Bench hearings, which have made the court's most significant proceedings publicly accessible for the first time.

Sources and Further Reading

(This series is part of a long-term editorial project to explain the structures, institutions, contradictions, and operating logic of constitutional governance, courts, and the rule of law in India for a global audience. Designed as a 25-article briefing cluster on the Constitution, Courts & Rule of Law in India, this vertical examines how constitutional power functions in practice — from judicial review, Public Interest Litigation, constitutional amendments, and High Courts to pendency, compliance gaps, constitutional morality, and the everyday operation of India’s justice system. Written in accessible format for diplomats, investors, researchers, NGOs, civil society actors, students, academics, policymakers, and international observers, the series seeks to explain both how India’s constitutional and judicial architecture is designed to function on paper and how the rule of law actually operates on the ground. This is Vertical 3 of a larger 20-vertical knowledge architecture being developed by IndianRepublic.in under the editorial direction of Saket Suman. All articles are protected under applicable copyright laws. All Rights Reserved.)
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