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Captain Smit Machchhar was in a hospital bed, on the phone with the Indian Prime Minister, and somewhere in the middle of it he broke down. "Sorry, main aapke saamne ro raha hoon sir." Narendra Modi told him that if he could not cry in front of him, then where.  The flydubai aircraft Machchhar was commanding from Dubai to Tel Aviv fell close to 14,000 feet in under thirty seconds. His first officer, an Omani national, had stabbed him in the cockpit, and an unlawful interference code went out that scrambled Israeli fighter jets. There were 174 people on board. The aircraft landed at Tabuk in north-western Saudi Arabia. The first officer was arrested. Benjamin Netanyahu said Machchhar had prevented a catastrophic midair disaster. Modi said his valour had saved hundreds of lives. In the conversation, Machchhar describes it without any of that vocabulary. He had fallen. He was wounded, he was pinned beneath something, he was still being struck. And he says he could feel, the way...

Hundreds of Social Media Posts asserting that a man wearing an explosive vest was stopped among worshippers near the Kaaba at Mecca's Grand Mosque circulated widely on X and other platforms on Oct 2 (IST) but Saudi authorities have not yet confirmed any such incident and no international news agency has reported one. Representational Image: IndianRepublic.in The claim was amplified by accounts with large followings, including the main handle of the Russian state broadcaster RT, which posted that a device had failed to detonate. Several posts carried video said to show the scene, with security personnel moving among worshippers. The posts named no official source. The only corroboration offered for the claim was other posts making it. Nothing to this effect has appeared on the Saudi Press Agency, the government's official channel, or from the Presidency of Religious Affairs of the Two Holy Mosques. Reuters, AFP, the Associated Press and Al Jazeera have carried no report. A sum...

Gandhi's answer to people who cared about something enormous and could do nothing about it Think about what he was actually asking people to do. A farmer in a village in Bihar in 1925. He has heard that the country should be free. He believes it. He is also one man with a plough, four hundred miles from any city that matters, and the British Empire is the largest thing that has ever existed on earth. What exactly is he supposed to do about it on a Tuesday? This is the problem Gandhi solved, and it is the only reason the movement ever became a movement.  He told the farmer to spin. Not as a gesture. Not as a show of support. He wanted actual thread, half an hour a day, every day, and he wanted it in such quantities that the cloth could be worn. He spun himself, daily, including on days he was negotiating with viceroys. He made it a condition of Congress membership. Grown men who considered themselves serious political figures were required to sit on the floor and work a wheel, an...

The feeling of having done something has quietly replaced doing something, and the substitution is almost undetectable from inside When Gandhi asked people to boycott foreign cloth, the first thing most of them did was go home and look at their own clothes. That is where the movement actually lived. Not in the speeches. In a man standing in front of a cupboard that held three shirts, two of them Manchester cotton, working out whether he meant it. Because the boycott was not an opinion. It was a bill. The cloth you already owned had to go. The cloth you bought instead was coarser and cost more and wore out faster. If you were a lawyer who gave up his practice, you gave up the income. If you returned a title, you returned the standing that came with it. If you walked out of a government school, nobody was holding your place. Gandhi designed it that way on purpose. He was not interested in agitation that cost the agitator nothing, because he had watched that kind of agitation for twen...

Gandhi kept one day a week in silence for most of his adult life. He did it through crises, negotiations and visiting dignitaries.  He began it, by his own account, because he was exhausted. That is the unglamorous origin of one of the strangest habits in modern public life. A man in the middle of everything, wanted by everybody, decided that for one day a week he would not speak. Not to visitors, not to colleagues, not to the press. If something had to be communicated he wrote it on a slip of paper. If it could wait, it waited. He kept it for decades. Through negotiations. Through arrests. Through crises that any sensible adviser would have called an exception. Viceroys' emissaries arrived and were handed notes. It was not a retreat from the world and he did not go anywhere. He simply sat in the middle of it with his mouth shut. What strikes you, reading about it now, is not the discipline. It is the permission. Because the assumption we live under is the exact opposite. Some...

Gandhi held a distinction most of us have lost: between what you may care about, which is everything, and what you can act on, which is small He wrote to presidents and emperors. He also, every day for most of his adult life, cleaned out the latrines at whichever ashram he was living in, and required everyone else there to do the same, including people from castes who had never touched such work and were disgusted to be asked. Both of these were, to him, the same kind of activity. Not symbolically. Actually. They were the two ends of a single scale, and he did not think one was more serious than the other. We have kept the first half and lost the second.  A person now wakes and within ten minutes knows about a famine, a strike on a city, a boat that sank, a forest burning, a court that ruled badly, a child who died in a way that should not be possible. They know more about human suffering before the tea is made than a villager a century ago learned in a lifetime. And they can do...

Gandhi's one unbreakable rule was that the means and the end are the same thing. It cost him more than any other position he held In February 1922 the non-cooperation movement was at its height. Thousands were in prison. The administration was rattled. Men who had spent their lives in the Congress believed independence was closer than it had ever been. Then, in a small town in the United Provinces, a crowd of protesters was fired on by police. The crowd turned, chased the policemen into their station, and set it alight. Twenty-two of them, perhaps more, burned to death. Gandhi called off the movement.  Not the protest at that town. The entire movement. Nationally. At its peak, over the actions of a few hundred people in one place, against the advice of almost everyone around him. Men who had gone to prison for him were furious. Some never forgave him. Within weeks he was arrested anyway, and the momentum that had been built over two years was gone. He wrote afterwards that he would...

Gandhi changed his mind in public, wrote down why, and called his own worst misjudgement a Himalayan blunder. We have made being wrong into a thing you are rather than a thing that happens The title is the argument of this piece.  He could have called it an autobiography, which it is. He called it The Story of My Experiments with Truth , and people tend to read that as modesty, a saint being humble about his certainties. It is not modesty. It is a description of method.  An experiment is something you might be wrong about. That is what distinguishes it from a demonstration. You set it up, you run it, you look at what happened, and if what happened was not what you expected, the result stands and your expectation does not. A man who called his life a series of experiments was telling you, on the cover, that he expected to be wrong a good deal of the time and intended to say so. He was. And he did.  He had been certain about things and abandoned them. He had backed campa...

Gandhi's rule was that the opponent must never be humiliated. It sounds like good manners. It is actually a technical requirement we must constantly investigate into our own words and deeds The thing that puzzled his opponents most was that he kept giving them a way out. He would make a demand, build a campaign around it, accept imprisonment over it, and then, at the moment the other side was most cornered, offer terms that let them concede without looking beaten. His own people found this maddening. They had the administration on the back foot and he was handing it a ladder. He did it every time, deliberately, because he thought the alternative accomplished nothing. Satyagraha, the word he coined when he was unhappy with "passive resistance", was never about defeating anybody. It was about changing their mind. And a person who has been cornered and shamed has not changed their mind. They have been beaten, which is a different thing entirely, and the main consequence ...