How Modi Governs: Decoding The Leadership Style and Power Concentration
The Narendra Modi government represents a qualitative change in how India's executive power is organised, exercised, and communicated. While India's Constitution creates a collective Cabinet — the Council of Ministers collectively advising the President — and previous Prime Ministers governed through coalition management, factional balancing, and Cabinet consultation, the ruling PM Modi has established a governing style THAT IS characterised by concentration of decision-making in the Prime Minister's Office (PMO), minimal Cabinet deliberation on major decisions, heavy reliance on a circle of trusted officers, and direct-to-voter political communication that sometimes bypasses both Cabinet colleagues and mainstream media.
| File Photo: PM Narendra Modi chairs a meeting of the CCS |
This governing style has been analytically characterised as "personalised," "presidentialist," and "top-down" by multiple academic sources. Fair Observer (July 2025) described how "an excessive concentration of power within the Prime Minister's office and among a small group of Indian Administrative Service (IAS) officers led to the formation of a confidant coterie," and noted that "his reliance on this small circle marginalised democratic governance, frustrating senior ministers, party leaders and top officers."
The National Bureau of Asian
Research (April 2026) described "policymaking becoming even more
centralised in the Modi era, which has been marked by personalistic and
top-down leadership." This concentration of power has both enabled rapid
policy decisions (demonetisation announced with four hours' notice; Article 370
revocation with minimal cabinet consultation) and produced some situations with feedback loops that larger consultative processes provide are absent.
What You Need to Know
- Modi's
key governance innovations include: merging the Railway Budget with the
Union Budget (ending 92 years of separate railway budgets); advancing the
Budget presentation date from February 28 to February 1 (giving effect
from the start of the financial year); abolishing the distinction between
plan and non-plan expenditure; replacing the Planning Commission with NITI
Aayog; and introducing Mann Ki Baat (the monthly radio address to
citizens) as a direct communication channel bypassing news media.
- Demonetisation
— the November 8, 2016 announcement declaring 500 and 1000 rupee notes
invalid with hours' notice — was described by multiple former Cabinet
ministers and finance officials as decided within the PMO with minimal
consultation; Cabinet members reportedly learned of the decision hours
before the public announcement; the Reserve Bank of India's eventual
guidance note was retrospective.
- Operation
Sindoor (May 2025) — India's military strikes against Pakistan-linked
targets following the Pahalgam terror attack — was decided and executed
through the PMO and NSA, with parliamentary oversight and Cabinet
consultation limited and retrospective.
- V-Dem's
Democracy Report 2025 listed India among the worst offenders on
"government effort at censoring the media" alongside Afghanistan
and Myanmar; Freedom House's 2025 India report noted that reporters
without borders ranked India 161st in press freedom; the independence of
key media outlets has declined as business owners with government
connections have acquired previously independent channels. These listings exclude, almost deliberately, the pretentious liberal quotient in India that runs narratives through media, books, social media and festival circuit, clinging on to both sides of political powers as per the whims of time, but has been a greater disabler of free expression in India.
- The
Modi government has used ordinances (executive orders when Parliament is
not in session) extensively; one article noted that "Modi resorted to passing a number of ordinances, or
executive orders, to enact his policies, leading to further centralisation
of power" when parliamentary channels faced delays.
How It Works in Practice
1. PMO as the decision hub: The Prime Minister's
Office under Modi functions not as a coordinating secretariat but as the
primary policy decision centre. Major decisions — economic (demonetisation, GST
rate adjustments), security (Article 370 revocation, surgical strikes, Operation
Sindoor), and political (appointment of election commissioners, CBI directors)
— originate in the PMO rather than in the relevant ministry or through Cabinet
committee deliberation. Ministries operationalise PMO-directed decisions rather
than originating them.
2. Political communication as governance: Modi's
communication apparatus — Mann Ki Baat (monthly radio addresses to 600 million
listeners), social media accounts with hundreds of millions of followers,
government advertising worth thousands of crores annually — allows direct voter
communication that is simultaneously governing (presenting government
achievements) and political (maintaining personal brand equity). This direct
communication channel makes Modi less dependent on mainstream media and reduces
the political cost of media criticism.
3. Welfare delivery as political infrastructure:
PM-KISAN (₹6,000 annual payments to 110 million farmers), PM Awas Yojana
housing, UJJWALA gas connections, Jan Dhan bank accounts — these schemes create
traceable direct beneficiary relationships between the central government and
individual citizens. The DBT (Direct Benefit Transfer) system deposits money
directly to Aadhaar-linked bank accounts, cutting out intermediaries and
creating legible beneficiary networks. Modi's political persona is visible at
the point of delivery (scheme named after PM, Modi's photograph on scheme
communications) in ways that were less common in previous governments.
4. Bypassing institutional checks: Multiple
institutional checks — Parliament's scrutiny through bill passage in Rajya
Sabha, judicial independence through appointment processes, ECI independence
through appointment legislation, CAG's accountability function through reduced
public audit visibility — have weakened under concentrated executive power.
Freedom House's 2025 report specifically noted that "121 political leaders
investigated by the Enforcement Directorate since 2014, 115 belonged to
opposition parties" and "23 out of 25 opposition leaders accused of
corruption who later joined the ruling BJP saw their cases dropped."
5. Post-2024 adaptation: The 2024 election's result —
BJP falling short of a majority — introduced coalition constraints that the
2014–2024 period with single-party majorities did not impose. Foreign Affairs'
June 2025 analysis described the RSS's reassertion of control over the BJP as
the most significant structural change post-2024, suggesting that the highly
personalised Modi governing style may be moderating under collective Sangh
Parivar oversight and coalition partner constraints.
What People Often Misunderstand
- Concentration
of power in the PMO is not unique to Modi: India's Prime Ministers
have historically had strong PMO influence; Indira Gandhi's PMO was
described as even more dominant in the 1970s; what distinguishes Modi is
the combination of PMO concentration with massive digital communication
reach and RSS organisational backing.
- The
Modi governing style has produced several genuine governance improvements:
The JAM Trinity (Jan Dhan bank accounts, Aadhaar identity, Mobile
connectivity) enabling DBT payments; GST simplification; IBC insolvency
framework; and infrastructure investment have been acknowledged by
economists across the political spectrum as substantive governance
achievements.
- "Presidentialisation"
is a global trend, not only an Indian phenomenon: India's
parliamentary system structurally allows a party leader with a large
majority to govern presidentially; the difference between 2014–2024 and
previous periods is more about BJP's single-party majority than about any
constitutional change.
- Critical
academic and civil society analysis does not reflect public rejection:
Modi's approval ratings consistently exceed his party's, and democratic
indices' classification of India as "electoral autocracy"
coexists with genuine mass electoral support for the BJP; the tension
between democratic quality indices and electoral popularity is a real
feature of India's political situation, not a contradiction to be resolved
by choosing one side.
- Operation
Sindoor's political and strategic implications are contested: The May
2025 military operation against Pakistan and the ceasefire
have been assessed very differently by different analysts; some see
India's deterrence credibility enhanced; others, including Fair Observer,
describe it as exposing limits of highly centralised decision-making in
crisis management. The Indian government maintained a tough and nationalistic posture throughout.
What Changes Over Time
The post-Sindoor period (May 2025 onwards) and the 131st
Amendment defeat (April 2026) both illustrate specific limits of even
concentrated executive power in India's constitutional system: military
operations require diplomatic management that international actors have
leverage over; constitutional amendments require two-thirds parliamentary
majority that coalition arithmetic cannot always supply. The NBR's April 2026
analysis of India's post-Modi leadership succession — identifying Yogi
Adityanath and Rahul Gandhi as the two most prominent potential future leaders
— shows the growing relevance of the succession question as Modi's third
term proceeds.
Sources and Further Reading
- The
India Forum — India Under Modi: Shrinking Democracy, Growing Inequalities:
https://www.theindiaforum.in/politics/india-under-modi-shrinking-democracy-growing-inequalities
- Fair
Observer — The Current Politics of Narendra Modi: https://www.fairobserver.com/politics/the-current-politics-of-narendra-modi-exposes-the-limits-of-his-leadership/
- NBR
— After Modi: Political Leadership and the Future of Indian Foreign
Policy: https://www.nbr.org/publication/after-modi-political-leadership-and-the-future-of-indian-foreign-policy/
- Freedom House — India Freedom in the World 2025: https://freedomhouse.org/country/india/freedom-world/2025