How India's Act East Policy Works

India's Act East Policy — launched by Prime Minister Modi in 2014 as an update to Narasimha Rao's 1992 "Look East" policy — reflects India's recognition that its strategic and economic future is integrally connected to Southeast Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific. "Look East" was primarily economic in orientation: seeking trade and investment from ASEAN and East Asia to complement India's post-1991 liberalisation. "Act East" maintains the economic orientation but adds security, connectivity, and civilisational dimensions: engaging ASEAN on maritime security; deepening the India-Japan "Special Strategic and Global Partnership"; strengthening India-Vietnam defence cooperation; pursuing the Free Trade Agreement with ASEAN; and anchoring India's Indo-Pacific strategy in its northeastern land connections to Southeast Asia.

How India's Act East Policy Works
Representational Visualisation: How India's Act East Policy Works


The Act East Policy operates on three geographic tracks simultaneously. The first is the ASEAN relationship — India's most institutionalised Southeast Asia engagement, through the India-ASEAN Summit (annual), India-ASEAN Free Trade Area (AIFTA, 2010), and bilateral engagements with each ASEAN member. The second is the East Asia relationship — Japan as India's largest development aid partner and most important security co-partner in the Indo-Pacific; South Korea as a significant trade and technology partner; Australia as a Quad member and increasingly important economic partner. The third is the connectivity track — India's northeast as the land bridge between South Asia and Southeast Asia, through BIMSTEC frameworks, the Kaladan Multimodal Transit Transport Project (India-Myanmar), the India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Highway, and the planned India-Myanmar-Thailand Trilateral Railway.

What You Need to Know

  • Act East vs Look East: Look East (1992, Narasimha Rao) was primarily economic — trade, investment, technology from ASEAN; Act East (2014, Modi) adds security (maritime cooperation, defence agreements), connectivity (land bridges to Southeast Asia), civilisational (Buddhist heritage connections), and political leadership dimensions.
  • ASEAN-India relations: India and ASEAN established full dialogue partnership 1992; ASEAN-India Summit annual since 2002; India-ASEAN Free Trade Agreement in Goods (2010); ASEAN-India Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP — India withdrew in 2019, citing China trade imbalance risk); India-ASEAN FTA review underway 2024–2025 to address imbalances.
  • India-Japan Special Strategic and Global Partnership: Japan is India's largest bilateral ODA (Official Development Assistance) donor — $29 billion in committed projects including Mumbai-Ahmedabad High Speed Rail (Bullet Train), Delhi-Mumbai Industrial Corridor, North-East connectivity; both are Quad members; Japan and India have a Reciprocal Access Agreement (defence) signed 2024; PM Modi and PM Kishida/Fumio met multiple times.
  • India-Vietnam strategic partnership: Vietnam is India's most significant Southeast Asian security partner; India has provided BrahMos missile system and naval patrol vessels; defence cooperation includes training; economic relationship is growing; Vietnam's South China Sea disputes with China create convergent interests with India; both have continental shelf disputes with China.
  • BIMSTEC 2025 summit: PM Modi visited Thailand for the BIMSTEC (Bangladesh-India-Myanmar-Sri Lanka-Thailand-Nepal-Bhutan) summit in April 2025; BIMSTEC serves as both Act East and Neighbourhood First forum; the summit focused on: maritime security, connectivity, trade, counter-terrorism; Modi's attendance signalled the importance of this Bay of Bengal grouping as SAARC's effective replacement.

How It Works in Practice

1. India's northeast as the Act East gateway: India's northeastern states (Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya) share borders with Myanmar, Bangladesh, Bhutan, and China; they are culturally connected to Southeast Asia; the Act East Policy conceptually makes the northeast a bridge rather than a periphery. The Kaladan project (connecting Mizoram to Myanmar's Sittwe port, giving India a non-Bangladesh maritime access route) and the India-Myanmar-Thailand Highway are the physical expressions of this gateway concept. The Manipur ethnic conflict (2023–2025) and continuing Northeast insurgency complicate the Act East narrative by making the gateway states themselves internally unstable.

2. India in the Quad framework: The Quad (Quadrilateral Security Dialogue: India, US, Japan, Australia) revived at leader level in 2021 provides India with a maritime security cooperation framework for the Indo-Pacific. Quad meetings, Malabar naval exercises (India-US-Japan maritime exercise), and technology-sharing agreements give India a security partnership that supplements bilateral defence agreements. India's Quad participation is calibrated — it supports the "free and open Indo-Pacific" framework while resisting any Quad characterisation as an "Asian NATO" that would make China-India normalisation more difficult.

3. RCEP withdrawal — the trade-off decision: India's October 2019 withdrawal from the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (which includes China, ASEAN, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand) was the most significant Act East policy reversal: India withdrew citing concerns about Chinese import floods through RCEP; the withdrawal left India outside Asia's most significant trade agreement; RCEP came into force in 2022 without India; India's trade relationship with ASEAN has suffered from the absence of competitive terms. The RCEP withdrawal illustrates the tension between Act East's connectivity ambitions and India's domestic economic protection instincts.

4. India's Indian Ocean Region (IOR) strategy: Act East connects to India's broader Indian Ocean strategy: the "SAGAR" doctrine (Security and Growth for All in the Region); IOR connectivity through port development in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Maldives, Mauritius, Seychelles, and Madagascar; maritime domain awareness through information-sharing with island states; and counter-piracy, counter-trafficking, and humanitarian assistance (HADR) operations. India frames itself as the "net security provider" in the Indian Ocean — a claim that the 2025 BIMSTEC summit reinforced.

5. India-Australia comprehensive strategic partnership: Australia has emerged as India's most transformed bilateral relationship in the Act East framework: the ECTA (Economic Cooperation and Trade Agreement, signed April 2022, India's first FTA with a developed country in a decade) covers goods and services; both are Quad members; India-Australia 2+2 dialogue (Defence + Foreign ministers) was established; Australian investment in Indian manufacturing and Indian IT workers in Australia have deepened the economic relationship.

What People Often Misunderstand

  • RCEP withdrawal was a strategic mistake by most trade economists' assessment: India's decision to stay out of RCEP has left it outside the world's largest trading bloc; the stated justification (China trade imbalance through RCEP) was partly valid but overestimated; India has been negotiating re-entry or a modified RCEP relationship since 2021 without conclusion.
  • The India-ASEAN relationship is primarily trade, not security: Despite the Act East Policy's security dimensions, India-ASEAN cooperation is primarily economic and the trade relationship is unbalanced in ASEAN's favour; ASEAN sees India as a large market but also as a country that has been slow to liberalise services and rules of origin; the Act East security dimension (maritime cooperation, counter-terrorism) is real but secondary to trade in ASEAN's India calculus.
  • India's northeastern connectivity projects face implementation delays: The Kaladan project, India-Myanmar-Thailand Highway, and BIMSTEC connectivity projects have experienced significant delays due to: Myanmar's civil war (post-2021 coup) disrupting India-Myanmar projects; India's northeastern infrastructure construction challenges; and the complexity of multi-country coordination.
  • Japan's ODA to India is loans, not grants: Japan's $29 billion committed development assistance is predominantly soft loans (ODA loans) at very low interest rates — not grants; India repays these loans over decades; the headline figure suggests more Japanese generosity than the actual grant element of Japan's ODA.
  • "Indo-Pacific" as a concept is partly a US framing that India has adopted selectively: The US, Japan, and Australia use "Indo-Pacific" to frame China containment; India uses "Indo-Pacific" for its own purposes — emphasising Indian Ocean primacy and ASEAN centrality rather than China containment; India resists "Indo-Pacific" readings that would make it a China-containment instrument.

What Changes Over Time

Myanmar's civil war (ongoing since the February 2021 coup) has severely disrupted India's Act East connectivity corridor investments through Myanmar; the Kaladan project's completion depends on stability that doesn't currently exist. India-Australia ECTA's full implementation — with mutual recognition of qualifications and expanded services trade — will be the most consequential Act East bilateral development of 2025–2027.

Sources and Further Reading

(This series is part of a long-term editorial project to explain the structures, institutions, policies, and strategic frameworks that shape governance and statecraft in India for a global audience. Designed as a 25-article briefing cluster on Indian Foreign Policy Strategy & Doctrine, this vertical examines how India understands, formulates, and executes its engagement with the world — from the institutional architecture of foreign policy and the evolution from non-alignment to multi-alignment, to strategic autonomy, neighbourhood diplomacy, great-power relations, security doctrines, economic statecraft, multilateral engagement, and India's emerging role in a rapidly changing international order. Written in an accessible format for diplomats, investors, researchers, academics, journalists, policymakers, students, civil society organisations, and international observers, the series seeks to explain not only what India does abroad, but why it does so. Particular attention is given to the historical evolution of India's strategic thinking, the practical realities of decision-making, the tensions between ideals and interests, and the opportunities and constraints facing a rising power in the twenty-first century. This is Vertical 9 of a larger 20-vertical knowledge architecture being developed by IndianRepublic.in under the editorial direction of Saket Suman. All articles are protected under applicable copyright laws. All Rights Reserved.) 
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