How India Handles Internet Shutdowns

India is a world leader in documented internet shutdowns — orders by state or central authorities to suspend internet access in specific geographic areas, typically during tensions, protests, security operations, or examination periods. Access Now's internet shutdown tracker and the Software Freedom Law Centre (SFLC.in) consistently document India as the top country globally for shutdown frequency. 

India's shutdowns operate under two primary legal authorities: Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (now Section 163 BNSS), which empowers District Magistrates to prohibit activities posing risk to public order; and the Temporary Suspension of Telecom Services (Public Emergency or Public Safety) Rules, 2017, under the Indian Telegraph Act (now Telecommunications Act, 2023), which empower state Home Secretaries and the Secretary, Ministry of Home Affairs to direct telecom service suspension.

How India Handles Internet Shutdowns
Representational Visualisation: How India Handles Internet Shutdowns
The Supreme Court in Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India (2020) — a challenge brought by journalist Anuradha Bhasin against internet restrictions in Jammu and Kashmir following the August 2019 revocation of J&K's special status — established that internet access is an integral part of freedom of speech and expression under Article 19(1)(a) and freedom of trade under Article 19(1)(g). 

The Court held that internet shutdown orders must satisfy the proportionality test (necessary for the stated objective; least restrictive measure available); must be in writing and subject to periodic review; and must be subject to judicial review. 

Despite this landmark judgment, India's shutdown frequency has not declined; the Jackson School's Cybersecurity Profile (2025) noted that shutdowns continue "repressing internet freedom" as an identified challenge in India's digital landscape.

What You Need to Know

  • India's shutdown frequency: consistently documented as the highest globally by Access Now; Jammu and Kashmir, Manipur, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh account for the largest share; shutdowns are ordered for: communal tensions (most common), political protests, elections (particularly in J&K), examination fraud prevention, and security operations.
  • Economic cost: a single-day internet shutdown in a major Indian city costs approximately ₹500 crore in economic activity (various studies); the cumulative economic cost of J&K's extended shutdowns (including the 2019–2020 period) has been estimated in thousands of crores; the Internet Freedom Foundation tracks shutdown economic impact.
  • Telecom Suspension Rules 2017: Home Secretary of a state or central Home Secretary must issue the suspension order; the order must be reviewed within 5 working days by a Review Committee comprising the Chief Secretary, Law Secretary, and Finance Secretary; the Review Committee check has not prevented frequent shutdowns; review meetings are typically procedural ratifications of executive orders.
  • Operation Sindoor shutdowns (May 2025): internet shutdowns were ordered in border areas and conflict-affected zones during India's military operation against Pakistan and the subsequent standoff period; access restrictions compounded the media freedom concerns documented in Label 7.
  • Examination-related shutdowns: India's Rajasthan, UP, and other states have ordered multi-day internet shutdowns during UPSC and state civil service examinations to prevent cheating; these "examination shutdowns" are among the most economically bizarre applications of the shutdown power, penalising millions to prevent a small number from cheating.

How It Works in Practice

1. The shutdown order process: A state government's Home Secretary (or central Home Secretary) signs a written order invoking the Telecom Suspension Rules directing telecom service providers to suspend internet services in a specified area for a specified period; telecom companies are required to comply immediately; the order must be reviewed within 5 working days by a Review Committee; in practice, review is nearly always confirmatory rather than independent.

2. The proportionality test and its non-enforcement: The Anuradha Bhasin judgment's proportionality requirement has not been effectively enforced; state governments continue ordering blanket internet shutdowns — affecting entire districts for days or weeks — without demonstrating that targeted, narrower restrictions (specific platforms, specific times of day) were considered and rejected; courts have accepted government national security certifications without extensive proportionality analysis in most cases.

3. Economic and social costs beyond direct economic activity: Internet shutdowns affect: telemedicine access (patients unable to consult doctors remotely); DBT payments to welfare beneficiaries (state-operated portals inaccessible); students' access to online educational materials; journalists' ability to report; online businesses' operations; and banking and payment services. The cascade of these secondary effects on already-marginalised communities — who depend on digital services for welfare access — is disproportionately severe.

4. Targeted versus blanket shutdowns: The Supreme Court's Anuradha Bhasin judgment contemplated that targeted restrictions (specific platforms, specific services) should be considered before blanket shutdowns; in practice, blanket shutdowns — cutting all internet services across an entire district — are the norm because they are administratively simpler and their breadth provides maximum control of information flow, which is often the actual objective.

5. The J&K internet shutdown as an extreme case: Jammu and Kashmir's internet restrictions following the August 2019 revocation of J&K's special status lasted in varying forms for 18+ months; India's SFLC documented the shutdown as the longest internet shutdown in a democracy on record; the Internet Freedom Foundation filed petitions documenting the economic devastation; the Supreme Court's review orders addressed J&K specifically but the fundamental shutdown authority remains intact.

What People Often Misunderstand

  • Internet shutdowns have a constitutional basis in India: The Telecom Suspension Rules and Section 144 provide statutory authority for internet shutdowns; they are not constitutionally impermissible; the constitutional requirement is proportionality and procedural compliance, not prohibition.
  • The Supreme Court has set standards it does not fully enforce: The Anuradha Bhasin judgment set important standards; but subsequent shutdown orders that arguably violate these standards have not been systematically challenged or consistently enforced by courts; the gap between judicial standards and administrative practice is real.
  • BNSS (replacing CrPC from July 2024) includes Section 163 with similar powers: The new criminal code did not remove the magistracy's internet shutdown authority; Section 163 BNSS maintains and slightly clarifies the Section 144 power; the underlying shutdown authority survives the criminal law reform.
  • Exam shutdowns are a policy choice with alternatives: The decision to shut down the internet across entire states during examinations rather than deploy proctoring technology, conduct examinations in supervised centres, or address other means of cheating reflects policy choices about ease of administration rather than necessity; the proportionality test should disqualify exam shutdowns, but it has not.
  • Most shutdowns are never judicially reviewed in practice: Despite the Supreme Court's direction that shutdown orders be reviewable, most are never challenged in courts; the population most affected (rural and semi-urban users, often poor) lacks the resources and access to litigate; shutdowns persist because their costs fall on those without judicial access.

What Changes Over Time

The Telecommunications Act, 2023 — which replaced the Indian Telegraph Act and provides the statutory basis for Telecom Suspension Rules — includes a provision that the government may prescribe more detailed guidelines; these guidelines, when issued, may either strengthen or weaken the proportionality requirements; civil society is monitoring the rulemaking process.

Sources and Further Reading

(This series is part of a long-term editorial project to explain the structures, institutions, technologies, and policy frameworks that shape governance in India for a global audience. Designed as a 25-article briefing cluster on Digital India, Platforms & AI Governance, this vertical examines how India is building and regulating one of the world's largest digital societies — from Aadhaar, UPI, DigiLocker, Digital Public Infrastructure (DPI), and fintech innovation to data protection, cybersecurity, platform regulation, artificial intelligence governance, digital inclusion, online rights, and the future of the state's relationship with technology. Written in an accessible format for diplomats, investors, researchers, technology professionals, NGOs, civil society actors, students, academics, policymakers, and international observers, the series seeks to explain both how India's digital architecture is designed and how it functions in practice across a population of more than 1.4 billion people. Particular attention is given to the opportunities, trade-offs, institutional debates, and governance challenges created by rapid digital transformation. This is Vertical 8 of a larger 20-vertical knowledge architecture being developed by IndianRepublic.in under the editorial direction of Saket Suman. All articles are protected under applicable copyright laws. All Rights Reserved.)
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